It is disturbing and polarising and
shows few signs of improvement. The boldness of the youths in
identifying the controversial and contested Masjid Musa as the venue for
the jihad convention suggests that they chose to be confrontational and
assertive.
They must have guessed how the police would respond. The event was banned but it was not prevented from starting.
There was no effort to surround the mosque or prevent the youths from entering.
In
fact it would appear that the police tactically allowed the youths to
congregate and then prepared to arrest and detain them for intelligence
gathering.
Seizing computers and materials as well as
126 members of the congregation suggests that the police saw the
convention as a golden opportunity to identify and arrest the leadership
and gain intelligence information on the movement’s tactics.
However, that alone does not explain why the police ended up with the deaths of nine youths on their hands.
Did
the police lure the youths to the mosque with the intention of killing a
number of them or did they just lose control of the situation? The
response from the political and religious leadership to the tragic
deaths was also shocking. (READ: GSU officer killed in Mosque chaos)
Local
politicians only focused on the police force and had nothing to say
about the threats or violence from the youths. The national Muslim
leadership spoke before a voice was heard in Mombasa.
What
is really going on and what is behind the threats from the youths?
There is little doubt that the radical salafi jihadist ideology is
taking root in Coast.
Found within the Sunnis, it is
synonymous with wahhabism and while still a minority it is gaining root
among the youths at a very fast rate.
The failure of
the traditional Islamic structures to address the growing
marginalisation and impoverishment among the coastal youths has left a
real vacuum for alternative teachings.
The aim of
salafi jihadism is to transform society and to liberate the poor but the
temptation to use violence to achieve these aims is why it is such a
threat to society and those of other religions.
The
marginalisation of coastal people and the high unemployment among the
youths are well documented so we just need a cursory reminder of their
dire plight. A recent survey by Ipsos — the market research firm —
reveals that 41 per cent of coastal people have not completed primary
school and only one third have gone beyond secondary schools.
Despite
the huge tourist investment, 55 per cent of coastal workers earn less
than Sh10,000 a month and despite promises and pledges, 41 per cent of
the population do not have title deeds for their land.
There
is not a single comforting or hopeful statistic in the whole survey.
The region has been neglected and defiled and now feels that it cannot
catch up even with the introduction of devolved governance.
The
salafi jihadist ideology then is particularly attractive for
impoverished youths as within the coastal Islamic faith there are no
credible alternative voices that give expression to their grievances in a
peaceful manner. The youths claim that both Council of Imams and
Preachers of Kenya and the Supreme Council of Kenya Muslims have
conspired with the Executive to loot their land and deny them jobs and
education. There is also the constant belief that you will gain
spiritually and materially by joining the salafi jihadist movement.
That
in turn suggests that the extremism is being funded and sponsored.
Already three prominent Mombasa businessmen, including the owner of a
bus company, have been taken to court on suspicion of funding illegal
activities. When Imams and preachers earn less than Sh10,000 a month
then the temptation to sing a different tune on the promise of more
money is irresistible.
Besides, all the indications
are that the political class infiltrated and subsequently destroyed the
Mombasa Republican Council since it disappeared after last year’s
General Election. The movement of course like the current one was based
around grievances that were genuine but the politicians hijacked it for
their own purposes and then discarded it after March 4 election. Is it
any wonder that the youths have no trust in the political class either?
The
harsh response by the State to perceived threats has blocked most
opportunities for dialogue and trust building and left Muslims alienated
in the country.
The executions of Sheikh Rogo in
August 2012 and Sheikh Ibrahim in October last year together with the
disappearances of Kassim Omollo and Samir Khan have gone without
investigation or explanation. In December last year Sheikh Mwayuyu was
murdered in Tiwi days after police had warned that he was planning
attacks on churches.
Most residents have blamed the
Anti-Terror Police Unit for these killings and together with arbitrary
arrests and frequent renditions have made trust between Muslims and the
State difficult.
Consequently the security machinery
rarely gets any credible intelligence from them. It is a fact that more
youths will be recruited this week to take the place of those killed at
Masjid Musa.
This situation will not be resolved by
more force, a lesson that the world learned from the ‘war on terror’ in
Iran, Iraq, Pakistan and elsewhere. The soft force of professional
intelligence working together with neutral arbitrators is the best and
may be only hope. The police would be better deployed to investigate
those who fund the illegal activities and those who control the huge
transport and shipping businesses and illicit drugs trade if they want
to get to the root of the problem.
The youths seen on
our TV screens are only the visible side of the problem, which is a lot
deeper and bigger. The area is crying out for brave, decent and
honourable leaders to resolve the tragic mess.
No comments:
Post a Comment