Why we are setting our schools on fire: Students

By SUNDAY NATION TEAM; 

SUNDAY JULY 24 2016

Among some of their grievances are poor diet, peer pressure, high-handedness and incitement by some teachers.

 

Students at Wang'apala High School in Homa Bay County look at a damaged boxes from Mishael Anyango dormitory on July 23, 2016. Two blasts were heard in the morning before the building burst into flames. PHOTO | TOM OTIENO | NATION MEDIA GROUP 

In Summary

• A Njonjo Girls’ High School student aid she was among the ringleaders of the unrest and blamed it on, among other reasons, poor diet.
• Two students at Nyamache Boys’ High School in Kisii County said the insensitivity of the administration led to the burning of a dormitory.
• Another student said Nyamache Boys’ High School management ignored grumbling from learners on the quality of food offered for supper on the day the fourth dormitory was set ablaze.  
• At Monianku Secondary School in Kisii County, a student said some of his colleagues torched the deputy principal’s house last week following a comment he made about one teacher having an affair with a female student.  

Students have come out to reveal the forces behind school unrest in the country.

In exclusive interviews with the Sunday Nation, some learners confessed to having participated in the wanton destruction of property and justified their actions on various reasons, from high-handedness of school administrators to poor diet and the displeasure with new rules on term extension.

“The headteacher is high-handed. She has been caning students for the flimsiest of reasons,” said one student at Njonjo Girls’ High School in Laikipia County, who sought anonymity for fear of being victimised.

She was one of 19 girls at the school who were pardoned after they admitted having participated in students’ unrest that nearly led to the torching of dormitories.

Another student from the school said she was among the ringleaders of the unrest and blamed it on, among other reasons, poor diet.

“How can a big school like Njonjo Girls’ High School give one loaf of bread to six girls to share for breakfast while in most other schools the minimum quantity of bread is a quarter loaf per student?” she asked.

The 19 were smoked out after they were repeatedly named by fellow students as being behind the unrest almost two months ago. They then confessed their intentions to stone the staffroom and torch the dormitories.

The school administration was forced to send the students home for a five-week break and, when they returned, each student was asked to name the perpetrators.

They were then suspended for two weeks before being subjected to grilling by a school disciplinary committee where they confessed that they were behind the unrest.

Elsewhere, two students at Nyamache Boys’ High School in Kisii County where a dormitory was burnt on June 27 — a few hours after Education Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i had left — said the insensitivity of the administration led to the burning of the facility.

There are now four dormitories burnt at the school, torched in the space of four weeks.

A Form Four student at the school said the institution’s management ignored grumbling from learners on the quality of food offered for supper on the day the fourth dormitory was set ablaze.  

He said students had been promised “good food” after the guests who had come for fundraising had left. The fundraising was meant to raise money to reconstruct the facilities razed in a past arson attack. 

However, the students were served with the usual food they ordinarily take on Fridays. 

HAVING AN AFFAIR

“Everyone was irritated. They kept discussing that matter. When the administration was told, it didn’t take it seriously,” said the student. 

“So, after eating what was there, we went for entertainment. A short while later, we were shocked to realise that a fire had started ... It could have been an individual’s plan,” he said. 

His colleague shared the same sentiments, saying the insensitivity of the school’s head left them frustrated. 

“If the administration gets a certain demand from students, they should not take it lightly. They should call the students to ask them why they want something the way they want it,” he said.

At Monianku Secondary School in Kisii County, a student said some of his colleagues torched the deputy principal’s house last week following a comment he made about one teacher having an affair with a female student.  

(READ: School fires are a call for dialogue from students)

The student said that ethnic unease between Maasai and Kisii students fuelled the standoff as the teacher and the girl he was suspected to be flirting with come from either community. 

Still in Kisii County, it has also emerged that a teacher with a history of inciting students earlier at Ichuni Girls’ High School could have played a role in the torching of a school in the same area.

“I remember when we set our dormitory on fire some years ago, a teacher smuggled the petrol we needed into our school,” recalled a former Ichuni student.

She said that the said teacher has since been promoted to head a school within the county and that, in an ironic twist of fate, that school was one of the first casualties of school fires this year.

This echoes allegations facing a teacher at St Theresa’s Girls Bikeke in Trans Nzoia County, who was arrested last week after a learner told police that the 25-year-old teacher on duty had incited them into burning the school after a delay in the serving of tea.

Kilometres away in Vihiga County, three of seven students expelled from Kaimosi Boys’ High School, who the management had linked to the July 15 torching of a dormitory, turned down an interview with the Sunday Nation.

However, a learner at the institution said the school’s administrators were aware of the plans to torch the school. The decision to expel the boys, the student said, was made without considering what they (expelled students) could do in retaliation. 

The Sunday Nation also heard that senior students (in Form Three and Four) are behind the burning of as many as seven dormitories at Itierio Boys’ High School in Kisii County on the night of June 25.

SMASHED WINDOWS

Though several theories abound as to who started the fires, a Form One student said that after students were denied a chance to watch a Euro Cup football match, senior learners forced juniors out of classrooms.

“One group smashed the windows in all buildings as another group formed a circle around the dorm to prevent anyone from getting into the dormitories that were already ablaze. Another group broke into the canteen as the younger students ran for their lives,” he recalled.

At Ololulunga Boys’ High School in Narok County, which was closed indefinitely on Monday following student unrest, a learner told the Sunday Nation that anger over the extension of the second term was the main reason for the strife.

The Form Four student said the Sunday night protest was also sparked by the transfer of some teachers, increase in school fees by Sh3,000, introduction of caning and lack of medication and a trained nurse at the school dispensary.

“Other issues range from being stopped from taking food to the dorms, watching TV, taking tea on specific days, to a demand that the principal and some teachers should go.”

He added:  “The Matiang’i rules were not welcome but the students also got an opportunity to raise some of the issues that are affecting them and it is becoming an in-thing for secondary schools that if you don’t go on strike, you are scolded by other schools,” said the student. 

Recent arrests and botched arson missions have also provided clues on what is motivating students to run amok.

For instance, at Tabaka Secondary School in Kisii County where a dormitory was burnt last week, evidence gathered before the arrest of 19 students showed that the proponents wanted their school to do what other schools were doing.

“The ringleaders were heard asking other students why they wanted to be different from their colleagues in other schools who had set their schools on fire,” said Mr Nehemia Ontere, the Gucha South District Education Officer.

Meanwhile, Kilgoris Boys’ High School was closed down after students threatened to torch property. The students allegedly wanted to bring down their school in a bid “to join the league” of schools that have been torched.

According to a student at Narok High School, there is a wave of peer pressure.

“The reason for the strike is taking a different perspective since students are always shifting goal posts and use the strike to make demands to the school,” the learner said.

By Elvis Ondieki, Aggrey Omboki, George Sayagie, Derick Luvega and Steve Njuguna

Why it is not rosy for Kenya at EAC

By WANJOHI GITHAE

Heads of State from the East African Community (EAC) at the 17th Ordinary EAC Heads of State Summit in Arusha, Tanzania on March 2, 2016. PHOTO | SAMUEL MIRING'U | PSCU

IN SUMMARY

• The East African community was supposed to have the members ease trade and other benefits among them. A closer look at it shows that Kenya, despite bending backwards to accommodate others, has been receiving a raw deal in return.

• The latest in a string of bad treatment in the Community is by Tanzania who has refused to sign the crucial Economic Partnership Agreement.Kenya does not really reap the fruits of East Africa Community, it would appear. 

  The bloc made up of five nations has been on the brink of open derision with Kenya being on the receiving end.

The community was supposed to have the members ease trade and other benefits among them. A closer look at it shows that Kenya, despite bending backwards to accommodate others, has been receiving a raw deal in return.

The latest in a string of bad treatment in the Community is by Tanzania who has refused to sign the crucial Economic Partnership Agreement.

Under the trade deal, the European Union (EU) would be granted unlimited market access to Kenya and the region for the next two and half decades. The East African nations will also enjoy the exemption from the 8 -12 per cent taxes while selling goods to the EU market. Should the deal flop, these taxes will hurt Kenyan exports by making them uncompetitive.

SPELL DOOM

A failure will also hurt one of Kenya’s engines of economic growth; agriculture. Close to 90 per cent of the country’s exports to the EU are agricultural, agro-processed and manufactured products.

The scenario might also spell doom to more than 600,000 workers, mainly on the flower farms and fresh foods producers.

Kenya is the only country among the East African partners who does not enjoy the least developed country status hence has to depend on the agreement or risk the preferential treatment in the lucrative EU market. Least developed countries access the market without the need for a special agreement. According to news reports, Tanzania officials cited Brexit as the reason for not signing.

Kenya’s Cabinet Secretary for the Ministry of East African Community, Labour and Social Protection, Phyllis Kandie, said the deal would still be signed.

“The deadline for signing the agreement is October 1, 2016. We are still within the deadline and we are talking with a view of having all partner states sign before then,” she said.

But Kenya’s bad treatment in the hands of Tanzania is not a new phenomenon. In early 2015, tourist operators from both countries were caught up in supremacy wars after Kenya had denied Tanzania tour operators access to Kenya towns. While Tanzanians enjoyed unfettered access to Kenyan towns, Tanzania had refused Kenyans past the borders.

Tanzania has also refused to join the single East Africa Visa that allows tourists coming to the region to visit all sites of their choice without unnecessary paperwork in each country.

ONE DESTINATION

Kenya Tourism Board Chief Executive Officer Jacinta Nzioka-Mbithi noted that the East Africa Tourism Visa protocol had been agreed on by member states in East Africa several years ago.

“While it will be great for all EAC members to be part of the visa protocol in order to make joint marketing more effective, a lot has already been achieved with Rwanda and Uganda providing a diversified offering to the international traveller,” she said.

Mrs Mbithi said the need for several destination packages is growing hence joint promotions for EA as one destination.

“Being the regional hub, many tourists come into the region through Kenya, hence Kenya will always benefit. However, more can be achieved through repositioning Kenya in the region and ensuring fair stake by all members. The big brother is not applicable anymore as our neighbours are now grown up,” she said.

Tanzania tends to lean towards Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa in its dealing giving EAC its back.

CS Kandie sought to downplay the underlying issues within the community.

“There are challenges of this nature that afflict any regional economic bloc but generally the EAC is doing well with a growth rate of 6 per cent,” she said.

But perhaps the biggest betrayal is the Oil Pipeline deal when Uganda overlooked the more viable root through Kenya and opted for Tanzania.

Kenya was left reeling after a proposed Hoima-Turkana to Lamu and opted for Hoima-Tanga route.

“As the biggest regional economy we have financial institutions like Kenya Commercial and Equity Banks and other businesses well established in all these countries. Kenya has a lot more to lose were the community to collapse,” said a government official who sought anonymity.

How the rich and powerful took over prime city land

Armed youth convene on July 13, 2016 at the land which Dr George Kiongera, a US-based Kenyan health officer, claims ownership. Dr Kiongera says he bought the land for Sh500 million while USIU insists that they are the parcel’s legitimate owners. PHOTO | MARTIN MUKANGU | NATION MEDIA GROUP 

By JOHN KAMAU

IN SUMMARY

• Part of that parcel of land was recently in the news after former President Moi was said to have sold a plot in Nairobi’s Muthaiga North twice.
• Joreth was a corruption of the Hebrew name “Koresh” which means a farmer, a digger or cultivator and he had enjoyed a smooth occupation of the land during the colonial period. 
• The only missing part of this story – and which we are yet to find – is how Muturi and Ndegwa took over Joreth Limited and its interests which sold the modern day Thome Estate in Nairobi and Safari Park.Joreth was the Promised Land — at least that is how its Israeli owner Jacob Hirschfeld perceived the land owning company. 

This was before government and political interests started having an eye on it.

Part of that parcel of land was recently in the news after former President Moi was said to have sold a plot in Nairobi’s Muthaiga North twice; first to a private developer, DPS International (Mr Moi has since denied selling his land to DPS) – who later sold it to United States International University Africa (USIU) – and last month to Dr George Kiongera’s Maestro Connections Health Systems Ltd, a company he co-owns with his wife Elizabeth Njeri.

Dr Kiongera, the first Kenyan to hold a doctorate in nursing practice, says he bought the land for Sh500 million while USIU insists that they are the parcel’s legitimate owners. Both are now nursing the pains of land deals gone sour.

The story of Joreth is well known by Nairobi politicos and land speculators and they love speaking about it as they wine and dine after a round of good golf.

Joreth was founded by Hirschfeld, one of the first members of the Jewish family that had settled in Nairobi.

He had followed Abraham Block, the founder of Nairobi’s Norfolk Hotel (he later bought The Stanley) who had arrived with his wife Sarah in 1913, shortly before the First World war broke out and threw their newly adopted country into economic turmoil.

It was also the year that Block decided to visit Israel for the first time and since he spoke only Yiddish and English (he could not speak Hebrew), he was asked to sit next to a Mr Tzvi Hirshfeld, a man who spoke perfect English.

Hirschfeld was one of the founders of Rishon Le-Zion in 1882, now the fourth-largest city in Israel, located on the central Israeli coastal plain 8km south of Tel Aviv.

In Rishon, Hirshfeld and Block struck a rapport and that is how Hirshfeld's son, Jacob, would later end up in Nairobi as a farmer – and later as Block’s son-in-law after he married Block’s eldest daughter Rachel Rita Block, the second Jewish baby to be born in Nairobi.

NO PUSH OVER

With the upheavals that faced the Jews in Europe, Block encouraged many to come and settle in East Africa and that is how Jacob Hirschfeld came to build an empire, Joreth Limited with a huge coffee estate – Karura Farm.

Jacob Hirschfeld’s land holding was expansive and covered parts of modern-day Ruaraka, the whole of GSU headquarters, Thome Estate, USIU, Garden Estate, NYS headquarters and touched on the land adjoining Windsor Golf Club.

It was the single largest block available north of Nairobi City after independence and as the dash to own property near the capital started in the mid-1960s and 1970s – many investors and land grabbers looked at Hirschfeld’s property with drooling interest.

Some thought that he held this land courtesy of his father-in-law who had built a formidable company, Block Hotels and a company that owned several farms branded Block Estates.

Together with Israel Somen – who later became the Mayor of Nairobi – Hirschfeld became a notable face in the Jewish community – and a common figure at the Nairobi synagogue where Mr Block was always given the first chance to read the neila service, a special Jewish prayer service that closes the Yom Kippur fast.

Joreth was a corruption of the Hebrew name “Koresh” which means a farmer, a digger or cultivator and he had enjoyed a smooth occupation of the land during the colonial period.

That changed at independence as the new Kenyatta government started scouting for land for industrial and real estate expansion.

While other settlers were easily scared into surrendering their property, the government mandarins found that Hirschfeld was no push-over.

He was a wheeler-dealer and knew how to work the system and tire the government through its own machinery.

So difficult was Hirschfeld that in 1972, the Commissioner of Land J.A. O’Loughlin was forced to write to the Permanent Secretary for Lands and Settlement seeking £600,000 to buy some 1,400 acres from Joreth which touched Thika and Kiambu Roads.

O’Loughlin thought it was wise to give the PS some background on Hirschfeld – just in case he didn’t know the kind of person they were dealing with:

“The owner of the farm is well known to the government because of the difficulty we experienced in the acquisition of land for the GSU camp site. There have been further requirements such as a German School (10 acres), a Commonwealth College (40 acres), City Council Primary School, and the latest being Technical Teachers College requiring 60 acres”.

HOW IT BEGAN
It is now known that Joreth had started surrendering some of the land the firm held in Nairobi through compulsory acquisition.

These included parcels identified as LR 4920/2, 4922/5/1, 4921/2 and LR 216/4/2. These were surrendered to the Commissioner of Land in May 1965.

More land was seized by the government from Joreth in October 1969 when it lost 73 acres of part of LR 216/4 and 59 acres of its LR 4922/5.

But it recently emerged that some of these takeovers happened after the land had been transferred to other parties by Hirschfeld – perhaps in an attempt to beat the system.

The most recent case was one where Nairobi tycoon Francis Mburu, a director of Afrison Export and Import Ltd, claimed to have been the owner of the 37.4-acre parcel where GSU headquarters stands before it was taken over by the government.

After a protracted battle in court, he was recently paid Sh1.8 billion of the Sh2.4 billion agreed following an out of court settlement from the original sum of Sh4.08 billion awarded by Judge Alfred Mabeya in 2013.

Beneficiaries of the settlement included Jimmy Kibaki – son of former President Mwai Kibaki – who was to receive Sh100 million for “services rendered”.

Two months ago, Mburu, through his lawyer Harit Seth, wrote a letter dated May 20, 2016 to Solicitor-General Njee Muturi seeking Sh600 million balance together with Sh150 million “being the sum due to the official receiver on behalf of Continental Credit Bank Ltd.” 

The letter was copied to the AG, the Office of the President and the Treasury PS.

The story of the GSU land becomes more complex since Mr Muturi is the son of Harun Muturi – the man who inherited Joreth Limited from Hirschfeld and became its face. 

Harun Muturi had become one of the most notable Kanu functionaries after independence and had earned Jomo Kenyatta’s confidence after he approached Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser and got some money for Kanu. 

What was never said in public was that Muturi’s influence might have emanated from his millionaire brother-in-law JM Kariuki. 

The late Nyandarua MP’s first wife, Doris Nyambura, was Muturi’s sister and both Kariuki and Muturi were deeply involved in the thriving gemstones trade. That is where they made their money. 

Because of his Israeli-connections, Kariuki had introduced his brother-in-law to Hirschfeld but it is not clear how he managed to later get to own part of the huge estate – or become its face. 

JM was able to get the profitable Castle Inn at the edge of Hirschfeld’s farm and which was previously run on plot 4894/2 by Alan Arthur Coulson, who owned an aircraft company, Wilkenair. 

RECKLESS MAN
There was something else about the elder Muturi, and Hirschfeld knew as much. Known by his agemates as Muturi meta-meta – meaning “Muturi of bling bling”, he was a Nairobi party-hopper and was known for his flashy lifestyle, a man who walked with a pistol under his leather jacket – the image of Kenya’s nouveau riche. (He would later start Mombasa’s Mamba Village).

When Muturi died in September 2010, he was eulogised by Duncan Ndegwa, the former CBK Governor, as a leftist with an attitude: “Either it happens or nothing else does.” 

“Occasionally, Muturi, JM and others in the gemstones business and the leftist school of thought would gather in a show of strength... a weekend-long gathering of the fairly wealthy numbering 50, with Muturi footing the entire bill. 

"Kenyatta’s iconic leather jacket was much preferred by this flashily-dressed, rough talking and generally truculent crowd,” Ndegwa says in his memoirs. 

Interestingly, he doesn’t mention Joreth Farm where he and Muturi were directors – it is of course a deliberate omission since the sale of the Joreth farms informs part of the wealth possessed by many in Kenyatta and Moi era. 

Even as he eulogised Muturi, there was no mention of the Joreth Farm or how it was acquired. That could be a story for another day. 

But another man who has no kind words for Muturi is Jeremiah Kiereini who describes him as “careless with his talk” and as a “man who did not stop to weigh the consequences of his words”.

At one point, Kiereini got so enraged by a personal attack on him by Muturi that he ran to his car to get his pistol and shoot Muturi. 

“I even considered shooting them all!” he says. This was after Muturi had told him: “You and your friend Njonjo should be kicked out of Kenya. You should go and live in Surrey. Go tell your ‘husband’ Njonjo I have said so!”. 

The words in Gikuyu were: “Thii ukere murumeguo Njonjo niguo ndauga.”

Back to Joreth, what we know is that Hirschfeld had at some point started dividing his farm into plots and selling them to select Cabinet ministers in a bid to earn protection. 

Among those who owned plots here included Paul Ngei (LR 4894/16, Lawrence Sagini (LR 4894/2), and Dr Julius Gikonyo Kiano’s American wife, Hammond (LR 4894/25).

Besides the GSU land, we now know that the government acquired the land in Ruaraka from Joreth for industrial purposes. 

In order to get as much payment as possible and to avoid compulsory acquisition, Hirschfeld sold part of the land beyond today’s garden Estate to Messrs New Yasmar Limited. 

LAND OWNERS
When the government managed to convince New Yasmar to sell it the land, it had evidence to fix Hirschfeld who had decided to argue in court for under-payment of his property. 

In a confidential letter written by the Land Commissioner, Mr O’Loughlin, to the PS for Lands and Settlement, Mr Hirschfeld is dismissed as a “land speculator”.

“I think this (New Yasmar sale) is a good bargain and I am particularly anxious that we should close this deal at the earliest possible moment… We shall have I think sufficient evidence to enable us, even though Mr Hirschfeld - the owner of Joreth Limited - insists on going to court, in convincing the court that the price we shall place on his land… 1,444 acres, would be reasonable. 

"I am convinced that Mr Hirschfeld who openly admits that in addition to being a farmer, he is a land speculator, will want to obtain an extremely high price from the government or anyone else to whom he sells. Furthermore, it is extremely unlikely that Hirschfeld will agree to negotiated purchase”. 

The only option in that 1972 letter was compulsory acquisition. It was then that other curious interests converged and we see various personalities in the Kenyatta government enter the fray. 

Recently, the family of the late former Cabinet minister Jeremiah Nyagah surprised many when they claimed they had a stake in USIU because their father sold them the land where the Nairobi-based university stands. 

This was part of the former Joreth land and it looks like Nyagah became another name linked to the land parcel. 

Others with known interest included Jomo Kenyatta, Arthur Magugu, a former Moi Cabinet minister, tycoon Njenga Karume – chairman of Gema and later a Cabinet minister; John Njoroge Michuki, and Daniel arap Moi, among others.

Other institutions that have bought the former Joreth land include the Judiciary, UN Sacco (which owns Balozi Estate), Postbank, NIS, and Kenya Pipeline.

What we also know is that Joreth used to own all that land which is part of Ruaraka Fire Station, which it surrendered to the government to build the station. 

The only missing part of this story – and which we are yet to find – is how Muturi and Ndegwa took over Joreth Limited and its interests which sold the modern day Thome Estate in Nairobi and Safari Park.

No doubt that Joreth became the Promised Land and the tussle we are seeing at the moment between Moi and USIU is only a piece of the drama.

jkamau@ke.nationmedia.com @johnkamau1

musician Koffi Olomide deported after alleged JKIA assault " they had been “treated like animals” said his layer...

...why didn't you follow them to Congo?

The musician was deported aboard Kenya Airways flight KQ554 to Kinshasa at 11:30am

SATURDAY JULY 23 2016

 

Koffi Olomide was sneaked through the backdoor of the JKIA Police Station escorted by another vehicle with a parastatal number plate, July 23, 2016. PHOTO | BERNADINE MUTANU | NATION MEDIA GROUP 

In Summary

• The musician’s lawyer, Prof George Wajackoyah, said they had been “treated like animals”
• He said the man was crucified by the social media and the politicians, who judged him harshly.
• He pointed out that there was no complainant and he was deported before they could go to court on Monday.

Congolese musician Koffi Olomide was deported on Saturday after purportedly kicking a woman at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) in Nairobi.

The musician was deported aboard Kenya Airways flight KQ554 to Kinshasa at 11:30am

(READ: Outrage as Congo star Olomide kicks woman)

On Saturday, the musician’s lawyer, Prof George Wajackoyah, said they had been “treated like animals” claiming the Kenya government had deported the musician and his dancers to Congo “even without their passports.”

He said the man was crucified by the social media and the politicians, who judged him harshly.

He pointed out that there was no complainant, besides being deported before they could go to court on Monday.

The musician was arrested at around 10 pm on Friday along Denis Pritt Road in Nairobi, as he left Citizen TV studios from an interview. 

He was arrested alongside his crew of three women dancers, police said. 

CREATING DISTURBANCE

On Saturday, police said the musician had been arrested for creating disturbance at the airport.

The Congolese star spent the night at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport police station.

He was removed from the JKIA Police Station on Saturday morning and taken to the airside where his fingerprints were taken before boarding a plane.

The dancers who accompanied musician Koffi Olomide a few minutes before they were deported. PHOTO | ZADOCK ANGIRA | NATION MEDIA GROUP

Koffi arrested for assaulting dancer, taken to JKIA police station

Jul. 22, 2016, 6:00 pm

By RHODA ODHIAMBO , @odhiamborhoda

Kiffis Apprehension, he should be a gentleman and an icon, not one to kick women in public places. One wonders how he's like behind the scenes.  

The moment he kicks the girl. Does this looks like "protecting her from a pick pocketing?"...shame on you. Cancel the whole event and hand him back to Paris once he's been jailed in Kenya. He shouldn't assault anyone let alone a woman. 

Congolese maestro Koffi Olomide. Photo/FILECongolese Rhumba maestro Koffi Olomide was arrested outside Royal Media Services offices on Friday evening and taken to JKIA police station. 

Olomide had just been interviewed on Citizen TV before police apprehended him and his dancers. 

Inspector General of Police Joseph Boinnet also ordered airport police to take immediate action against him. 

The musician was arrested after  a video of him assaulting one of his dancers went viral. 

But during the interview, Koffi denied assaulting the dancer, identified as Pamela.  

He said he was protecting her from a pick pocketing incidence at the airport. 

At around five 5pm Koffi  apologised to his fans and women over the matter. 

“I watched the video with a lot of distress where it seems that I was assaulting one of my dancers. On the contrary I was defending my dancers from a lady who was threatening them at the airport," he said 

He also reiterates his respect for people, especially women. 

Koffi was expected to perform at the Bomas of Kenya.