Saturday, June 15, 2013 - 00:00 -- BY SAM OMWENGA

The same thing could be said about retired president Daniel arap Moi. Moi was certainly more hands on and therefore knew and approved a lot of what he’s remembered or blamed for than his predecessor, if anything because that was a natural progression from how he came to power.

That the forces that be even as far back as independence did not want anyone but their own to succeed Kenyatta was not secret. By the time then Vice President Moi came to power, clearly against their wishes, he had to constantly look behind his shoulder while learning as quickly as possible how to consolidate power in the minutes he had, if he were to survive, let alone succeed as president.

When now retired President Mwai Kibaki succeeded Moi as our third president in the euphoric elections of 2002, Kibaki quickly ripped to pieces his MOU with then Liberal Democratic Party leader and now former Prime Minister Raila Odinga.

Kibaki then immediately had a fight on his hands he had to personally get involved in if he was to neutralise or even altogether eliminate (though not physically) Raila.

Game set, the duo went after each other with Raila winning most of the price fights, including shaming Kibaki and Co in defeating the passage of the ill-advised draft constitution Kibaki and his henchmen preferred in 2005.

The defeat stung. Kibaki and his people must have resolved they would not take another defeat from Raila and what close or worse defeat could there have been but the presidency itself?

Is there any doubt therefore why Raila won the popular vote but was not sworn in as president in 2007? The powers that be were simply not going to suffer another defeat in the hands of Raila. If that meant rigging elections, then so be it and it was.

Following the violence that took place after the 2007 elections amid allegations of widespread rigging, the country was on the verge of plunging into a civil war. Something had to be done to prevent such an eventuality but hardliners in the Kibaki camp were amazingly not ready for any compromise.

It took the ingenuity of a sober-minded Raila, drawing from his political experience and every ounce of energy and influence to force Kibaki and his hardliners to share power which we now know, in hindsight, was only equal on paper. The Kibaki hardliners may have relented but this was short-lived.

Soon after entering into the coalition government arrangement, the powers that be were reeling from what they still believed was a net loss because there was Raila flying a flag as our country’s prime minister when he should have been politically finished and left licking his wounds in Bondo—a reference to his rural home.

Much as was the case in the late 1960s and early 70s during Kenyatta's reign when those around the president started conniving schemes to prevent anyone but their own or from within their circle of influence to succeed Kenyatta, those around Kibaki, too, started looking ahead to 2012 with the same objective even before both principals could settle in their new roles as co-leaders of the country.

In other words, the conniving for 2012 elections which actually took place in 2013 started the day after the coalition agreement was reduced into writing and signed.

Meanwhile, as the principals resumed their power tussles between them with the formation of the coalition government, Kibaki let it be known via his minions he was disinterested in the power sharing tussles.

The media bought the ploy hook, line and sinker, blaming many of the problems that ensued with the coalition on everyone but Kibaki. “He’s aloof and doesn’t know what’s going on,” was the refrain.

Yet, when it’s all said and done and the history books are written, it’ll be very clear and obvious Kibaki was as hands on in what happened throughout his presidency beaten only in that regard among his predecessors by Moi who had more personal concerns and headaches to be more vigilant and hands on as noted above. To what end? What was Kibaki’s mission and what legacy did he wish to leave behind?

These are good questions better left for another day or books to answer but it can be easily said, looking back, that the succession game consumed much of the Kibaki presidency than whatever else that may have been accomplished during the coalition government rule.

To be sure, the two principals did shepherd the passage and promulgation of the more acceptable constitution and more so Raila who was on the right side of this from the beginning but this was inevitable.

Raila merely became the more defined and effective agent for the long overdue overhauling of our constitution. Once the constitution was passed, it was back to the succession game.

More specifically, stopping Raila from being re-elected but this time sworn as president was the sole mission of the balance of the Kibaki presidency.

As a result, we saw the various scheming, escalation and in the end the dizzying alignment and realignments by those wanting to maximise their potential to be on the winning side, which remained uncertain beyond election day.

Within the Kibaki camp itself, two sides emerged, one wishing to have someone other than Uhuru vying with Kibaki’s blessings while another and now victorious wing knew they wanted no one but Uhuru and had the formula to get him elected.

The latter prevailed under circumstances that will be talked and written about forever even as we’re witnessing the rest of the history following the elections.

The question is why did Kibaki not want Raila, who unquestionably made it possible for him to become president in the first place? Why would Kibaki not want to have his “friend” Raila become president?

Put another way, why did Kibaki not make it possible much as Raila did for him, to become president? We know for a fact were Kibaki interested or had he been inclined to have Raila succeed him, we’ll be today talking about President Raila Amolo Odinga. Yet, he did not; why?

The answer is not the laughable reason often cited that Kibaki had to be “neutral.” There is an American expression “neutral my foot” that aptly captures the lameness of that reason or excuse. Kibaki’s hand in all of this pre-election scheming was so deep and heavy it irreversibly tipped the scales against Raila.

For example, why would a sitting president allow a full military farewell in his honor be held in the midst of a tense period when the declared presidential results were being challenged in court?

Could the president not have waited for the outcome of the court’s action before undertaking such a high profile event prone to send the message to the court to be mindful of who had real power in the country?

Kibaki’s hand in the successful stopping of Raila from ascending to the presidency aside, it’s clear no matter who the president has been, the individual holding office as president may personally not be a part of or even condone or approve of certain things that go on behind the scenes. But there is no doubt the men and in rare cases women around the president are the ones who do such things.

When JM Kariuki got wind of his impending physical elimination by those around the president who did not like him and his increasing popularity, he tried for months to see the president but was blocked by the same people.

What could have happened had JM succeeded in doing so, especially after the president himself assured him he would see him when JM cut through a throng of dignitaries to shake the president’s hand during former Attorney General Charles Njonjo’s wedding on November 18, 1972?

Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga was recently subjected to disrespectful and humiliating treatment at JKIA, apparently courtesy of an order from Francis Kimemia, a Kibaki insider who has now been nominated to serve in the less powerful position of Secretary to the Cabinet.

Now, ordinarily, this would not be a big deal because it’s said to the winner goes the spoils so, strictly speaking, the former PM not being accorded all the privileges and rights his victor enjoys is a no brainer; it’s inevitable.

However, we are here talking about the use of an airport lounge neither the president nor his deputy uses save for the occasions they fly. To deny the former PM the use of a public facility is taking the to the winner goes all the spoils notion a tad too far.

It’s also prone to create animosity and further unnecessary tensions between and among his supporters and those of Jubilee that must not be encouraged, especially over petty but avoidable triggers such as this.

On the other hand, those who know President Uhuru and his deputy would tell you they would doubt if either or both would find subjecting the former PM to such mistreatment and disrespect apt. Can the same be said about the men and women around these two?

The answer will define what legacy both of these men, especially the president will leave behind upon conclusion of their respective services as president and deputy president.

Would it be looking back then the case one can say the president and his deputy have surrounded themselves with men and women who would use the presidency to finish their real or perceived political and personal enemies or are they being surrounded by men and women who would put the country first and are dedicated to using the presidency to advance only that which is good for the country? In so many ways, we as a country have come full circle since independence with the son of our first president now our new president.

Which leads to this all important question relative to the all the president’s men phenomena and that is, does President Uhuru Kenyatta have in place a mechanism to ensure he doesn’t hear bad news after the fact, news he could in hindsight be in a position to prevent but couldn’t simply because his henchmen prevented him from hearing or knowing the facts leading to the bad news as was the case for his father and JM? Let’s hope so.

The President's Men, Arrogance And Abuse Of Power In Jubilee Regime

Watching a documentary about our first president simply entitled “Meet Jomo Kenyatta,” one could not but come away with the impression that many a thing were connived and carried out by the president’s henchmen without his approval.
The same thing could be said about retired president Daniel arap Moi. Moi was certainly more hands on and therefore knew and approved a lot of what he’s remembered or blamed for than his predecessor, if anything because that was a natural progression from how he came to power.
That the forces that be even as far back as independence did not want anyone but their own to succeed Kenyatta was not secret. By the time then Vice President Moi came to power, clearly against their wishes, he had to constantly look behind his shoulder while learning as quickly as possible how to consolidate power in the minutes he had, if he were to survive, let alone succeed as president.
When now retired President Mwai Kibaki succeeded Moi as our third president in the euphoric elections of 2002, Kibaki quickly ripped to pieces his MOU with then Liberal Democratic Party leader and now former Prime Minister Raila Odinga.
Kibaki then immediately had a fight on his hands he had to personally get involved in if he was to neutralise or even altogether eliminate (though not physically) Raila.
Game set, the duo went after each other with Raila winning most of the price fights, including shaming Kibaki and Co in defeating the passage of the ill-advised draft constitution Kibaki and his henchmen preferred in 2005.
The defeat stung. Kibaki and his people must have resolved they would not take another defeat from Raila and what close or worse defeat could there have been but the presidency itself?
Is there any doubt therefore why Raila won the popular vote but was not sworn in as president in 2007? The powers that be were simply not going to suffer another defeat in the hands of Raila. If that meant rigging elections, then so be it and it was.
Following the violence that took place after the 2007 elections amid allegations of widespread rigging, the country was on the verge of plunging into a civil war. Something had to be done to prevent such an eventuality but hardliners in the Kibaki camp were amazingly not ready for any compromise.
It took the ingenuity of a sober-minded Raila, drawing from his political experience and every ounce of energy and influence to force Kibaki and his hardliners to share power which we now know, in hindsight, was only equal on paper. The Kibaki hardliners may have relented but this was short-lived.
Soon after entering into the coalition government arrangement, the powers that be were reeling from what they still believed was a net loss because there was Raila flying a flag as our country’s prime minister when he should have been politically finished and left licking his wounds in Bondo—a reference to his rural home.
Much as was the case in the late 1960s and early 70s during Kenyatta's reign when those around the president started conniving schemes to prevent anyone but their own or from within their circle of influence to succeed Kenyatta, those around Kibaki, too, started looking ahead to 2012 with the same objective even before both principals could settle in their new roles as co-leaders of the country.
In other words, the conniving for 2012 elections which actually took place in 2013 started the day after the coalition agreement was reduced into writing and signed.
Meanwhile, as the principals resumed their power tussles between them with the formation of the coalition government, Kibaki let it be known via his minions he was disinterested in the power sharing tussles.
The media bought the ploy hook, line and sinker, blaming many of the problems that ensued with the coalition on everyone but Kibaki. “He’s aloof and doesn’t know what’s going on,” was the refrain.
Yet, when it’s all said and done and the history books are written, it’ll be very clear and obvious Kibaki was as hands on in what happened throughout his presidency beaten only in that regard among his predecessors by Moi who had more personal concerns and headaches to be more vigilant and hands on as noted above. To what end? What was Kibaki’s mission and what legacy did he wish to leave behind?
These are good questions better left for another day or books to answer but it can be easily said, looking back, that the succession game consumed much of the Kibaki presidency than whatever else that may have been accomplished during the coalition government rule.
To be sure, the two principals did shepherd the passage and promulgation of the more acceptable constitution and more so Raila who was on the right side of this from the beginning but this was inevitable.
Raila merely became the more defined and effective agent for the long overdue overhauling of our constitution. Once the constitution was passed, it was back to the succession game.
More specifically, stopping Raila from being re-elected but this time sworn as president was the sole mission of the balance of the Kibaki presidency.
As a result, we saw the various scheming, escalation and in the end the dizzying alignment and realignments by those wanting to maximise their potential to be on the winning side, which remained uncertain beyond election day.
Within the Kibaki camp itself, two sides emerged, one wishing to have someone other than Uhuru vying with Kibaki’s blessings while another and now victorious wing knew they wanted no one but Uhuru and had the formula to get him elected.
The latter prevailed under circumstances that will be talked and written about forever even as we’re witnessing the rest of the history following the elections.
The question is why did Kibaki not want Raila, who unquestionably made it possible for him to become president in the first place? Why would Kibaki not want to have his “friend” Raila become president?
Put another way, why did Kibaki not make it possible much as Raila did for him, to become president? We know for a fact were Kibaki interested or had he been inclined to have Raila succeed him, we’ll be today talking about President Raila Amolo Odinga. Yet, he did not; why?
The answer is not the laughable reason often cited that Kibaki had to be “neutral.” There is an American expression “neutral my foot” that aptly captures the lameness of that reason or excuse. Kibaki’s hand in all of this pre-election scheming was so deep and heavy it irreversibly tipped the scales against Raila.
For example, why would a sitting president allow a full military farewell in his honor be held in the midst of a tense period when the declared presidential results were being challenged in court?
Could the president not have waited for the outcome of the court’s action before undertaking such a high profile event prone to send the message to the court to be mindful of who had real power in the country?
Kibaki’s hand in the successful stopping of Raila from ascending to the presidency aside, it’s clear no matter who the president has been, the individual holding office as president may personally not be a part of or even condone or approve of certain things that go on behind the scenes. But there is no doubt the men and in rare cases women around the president are the ones who do such things.
When JM Kariuki got wind of his impending physical elimination by those around the president who did not like him and his increasing popularity, he tried for months to see the president but was blocked by the same people.
What could have happened had JM succeeded in doing so, especially after the president himself assured him he would see him when JM cut through a throng of dignitaries to shake the president’s hand during former Attorney General Charles Njonjo’s wedding on November 18, 1972?
Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga was recently subjected to disrespectful and humiliating treatment at JKIA, apparently courtesy of an order from Francis Kimemia, a Kibaki insider who has now been nominated to serve in the less powerful position of Secretary to the Cabinet.
Now, ordinarily, this would not be a big deal because it’s said to the winner goes the spoils so, strictly speaking, the former PM not being accorded all the privileges and rights his victor enjoys is a no brainer; it’s inevitable.
However, we are here talking about the use of an airport lounge neither the president nor his deputy uses save for the occasions they fly. To deny the former PM the use of a public facility is taking the to the winner goes all the spoils notion a tad too far.
It’s also prone to create animosity and further unnecessary tensions between and among his supporters and those of Jubilee that must not be encouraged, especially over petty but avoidable triggers such as this.
On the other hand, those who know President Uhuru and his deputy would tell you they would doubt if either or both would find subjecting the former PM to such mistreatment and disrespect apt. Can the same be said about the men and women around these two?
The answer will define what legacy both of these men, especially the president will leave behind upon conclusion of their respective services as president and deputy president.
Would it be looking back then the case one can say the president and his deputy have surrounded themselves with men and women who would use the presidency to finish their real or perceived political and personal enemies or are they being surrounded by men and women who would put the country first and are dedicated to using the presidency to advance only that which is good for the country? In so many ways, we as a country have come full circle since independence with the son of our first president now our new president.
Which leads to this all important question relative to the all the president’s men phenomena and that is, does President Uhuru Kenyatta have in place a mechanism to ensure he doesn’t hear bad news after the fact, news he could in hindsight be in a position to prevent but couldn’t simply because his henchmen prevented him from hearing or knowing the facts leading to the bad news as was the case for his father and JM? Let’s hope so.