By PATRICK MAYOYO pmayoyo@ke.nationmedia.com, Thursday,
May 23 2013
In Summary
- A delegation of 84 Kenyans were on an unofficial visit to attend the National Prayer Breakfast with President Bush and other world leaders when differences emerged between Dr Ouko and Mr Nicholas Biwott, at the time a powerful Cabinet minister.
- According to Troon, there was evidence contained in the statement of John Reru that suggested that money being invested in the project by the Minister of Industry was for an unknown reason being either “diverted” or overspent.
- The commission says the Kenyatta Administration was the target of ideological and strategic interests of the capitalist West and communist East during the Cold War.
Two
theories have emerged over the possible reasons why Foreign Affairs
minister Robert Ouko was killed, according to a report released by the
Truth team on Tuesday.
The report says the killing of
Dr Ouko — one of the most gruesome events of the Moi administration —
was partly linked to the molasses project in Kisumu and a State visit to
US in 1990.
The Washington trip took place between January 29 and February 2, 1990.
A
delegation of 84 Kenyans were on an unofficial visit to attend the
National Prayer Breakfast with President Bush and other world leaders
when differences emerged between Dr Ouko and Mr Nicholas Biwott, at the
time a powerful Cabinet minister.
“Since it was not
considered an official State visit, President Moi was unable to get a
private audience with the president of the United States of America.
Ouko led a press conference and also met with some human rights
organisations and US representatives on Capitol Hill,” the report says.
According
to the Troon Report, Malacki Oddenyo, the director of administration
for Foreign Affairs, told Dr Ouko’s brother, Mr Barrack Mbajah, that the
minister had a private meeting with President Bush and that President
Moi was aware of the meeting.
“The meeting apparently
caused a great rift between Ouko and Biwott, with Biwott sarcastically
referring to Ouko as ‘Mr President’ and the two having public arguments
in the presence of other delegation members,” the commission says.
Dr
Ouko was the MP for Kisumu Town and minister for Foreign Affairs when
he was reported missing on February 16, 1990, three days after leaving
his Koru home near Kisumu.
His body was found badly
burnt, but the face was recognisable. His arms and legs had been
smashed. A bullet had passed through his skull.
There
were no signs of struggle near Nyando river at the foot of Got Alila
Hills where the body was found by a 13-year-old herdsboy.
The
commission says that Dr Jason Kaviti, who was the government
pathologist, initially claimed that Dr Ouko’s broken leg was due to the
heat of the fire, then later attributed it to blunt force trauma.
“The
actual cause of death was a gunshot wound to the head which, according
to Dr Kaviti, was self-inflicted. Between the state of the crime scene
and Dr Kaviti’s conclusions, the government quickly went forward with
the story that Ouko had committed suicide,” the report says.
Another
theory behind the killing was his involvement in the molasses project
in Kisumu, which was seen as an agrochemical project undertaken between
the Madhvani Group and the Kenyan Government.
According
to Troon, there was evidence contained in the statement of John Reru
that suggested that money being invested in the project by the Minister
of Industry was for an unknown reason being either “diverted” or
overspent.
Eventually, the money dried up and the
project was abandoned. Mr Troon concluded that either corruption or
mismanagement of funds explained the project’s fate.
Although
Dr Ouko’s killing easily comes to mind, Pio Gama Pinto, who was shot
dead outside his home in Westlands, was the first Kenyan to be
assassinated. He was killed on February 25, 1965.
Theories
surrounding his death included competition among local politicians over
the cold war between the West and communist East and local supremacy
and power struggles.
“Pinto assassination demonstrates
all of the complexities and tragedy of political assassinations in
post-independence Kenya. Its context included: a global cold war that
was mirrored in domestic political debates; a domestic struggle to
consolidate power and narrow dissent; and a resort to violence to
address political differences,” the TJRC report says.
The commission says the Kenyatta Administration was the target
of ideological and strategic interests of the capitalist West and
communist East during the Cold War.
While President
Kenyatta leaned towards the West and capitalism, his Vice-President,
Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, was more sympathetic to the East and socialism.
Pinto
was said to be Mr Odinga’s foremost tactical adviser and link-man with
Eastern embassies “that bankrolled his socialist ideas”.
Indeed,
it is reported that Mr Pinto had organised a meeting between Mr Odinga
and a Chinese delegation that discussed Kenya adopting a more socialist
path, entering into a defence pact with Kenya, and the possibility of
using Kenya as a conduit for Chinese arms to liberation movements in
Africa.
It was later alleged in the press that the
Lumumba Institute, which Pinto headed, was teaching scientific socialism
to party members.
Mr Kenyatta did not take kindly to
such activities, and asked Mr Tom Mboya to draft a policy on African
socialism to counter Mr Odinga’s socialism.
It was to be tabled in Parliament in April 1965.
When
the Odinga group got wind of this move, they asked Pinto to write a
counter draft to be tabled on the same day as Mboya’s and mobilised
parliamentarians to vote against the government.
“It
was during the heat of these early debates about the direction of Kenyan
economic and political policy that Pinto was assassinated. He was shot
outside his home in Westlands in front of his 18-month-old daughter,
Tereshka,” the report says.
Prominent politician
Thomas Joseph Mboya became the second prominent politician to be assassinated during the Kenyatta administration.
Mr Mboya is said to have posed a challenge to the existing government and its supporters at three levels.
“Firstly,
his following in the trade unions and his childhood on a sisal estate
on the borders of Machakos and Kiambu, which enabled him to converse
colloquially in Gikuyu and Kikamba as well as in Swahili and Dholuo
languages, meant that he was able to secure support from outside his own
ethnically restricted sub-nationality,” the report says.
Secondly,
his international reputation and his close relationship with American
labour organisations dating from the 1950s, and his network of former
‘airlift’ students who had benefited from his patronage, meant that it
was harder to isolate him as was done with Mr Odinga and Mr Bildad
Kaggia by allegations of socialist tendencies.
“Thirdly,
at the national level, Mboya appeared to threaten the dominant position
of the Kiambu elite with his ability to appeal to Kenyan national
solidarity,” the report adds. Mboya was to be eventually shot dead in
broad daylight in downtown Nairobi on the morning of 5 July, 1969.
Nahashon Isaac Njenga Njoroge was arrested and convicted of Mboya’s assassination.
The
report says before he was hanged at Kamiti Maximum Prison, Njenga
confessed to hangman Kirugumi wa Wanjiku that he had the ‘logistical
support’ of three senior police officers with whom he stalked Mboya on
the morning of 5 July 1969 before he shot him.
“The
effects of the murder of Tom Mboya have lasted until today.
Specifically, it divided the Luo and Kikuyu communities in ways that are
still felt today,” TJRC says in its report.
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